FREE ESSAY ON COMMUNIST MANIFESTO

COMMUNIST MANIFESTO

Chapter 1 Summary: Bourgeois and ProletariansThe Communist Manifesto begins with Marx's
famous generalization that the history of all hitherto existing society is the history of
class struggles (79). Marx describes these classes in terms of binary oppositions, with
one party as oppressor, the other as oppressed. While human societies have traditionally
been organized according to complex, multi-member class hierarchies, the demise of
feudalism affected by the French Revolution has brought about a simplification of class
antagonism. Rather than many classes fighting amongst themselves (e.g. ancient Rome with
its patricians, knights, plebeians, and slaves), society is increasingly splitting into
only two classes: Bourgeoisie and Proletariat. This state of affairs is the result of a
long historical process. The discovery and colonization of the New World in the 16th and
17th centuries required new methods of production and exchange. Because of the demand for
more efficient, larger scale production, the medieval guild system gave way to new
methods of manufacturing, defined by the widespread use of division of labor and, with
the advent of industrialization, by steam and machinery. It was the
bourgeoisie‹modern Capitalists, owners of the means of social production and the
employers of wage labor (79)‹who were the agents of these economic revolutions. The
new economic powers of the bourgeoisie led to their political empowerment. While the
bourgeoisie had originally served the nobility or the monarchy, they had come in the
middle of the 19th century to control the representative states of Europe. In fact, as
Marx famously notes, the executive of the modern State is but a committee for managing
the common affairs of the whole bourgeoisie (82). With this political empowerment came
the destruction of the social fictions on which previous societies were based. Instead of
focusing on the relationship of men to 'natural' superiors and inferiors, both in this
life and the next, or even the indistinct Rights of Man championed in the first half of
the 19th century, the bourgeoisie introduced an ethic based on the absolute right to free
trade and the rational, egoistic pursuit of profit. It was not enough, though, for the
bourgeoisie to radically change all that has preceded it; it must constantly change in
the present in order to expand and exploit its markets. As Marx says, Constant
revolutionizing of production, uninterrupted disturbance of all social conditions,
everlasting uncertainty and agitation distinguish the bourgeois epoch from all earlier
ones (83). This economic and social dynamism unsettles the boundaries of nations and
creates pressure toward globalization, amounting to an economic imperialism that demands
that other nations assimilate to bourgeois practice or be cosigned to the economic
backwater. In this way, the bourgeoisie create the world after their own image (84). Marx
uses the above story of the bourgeoisie's evolution to substantiate his central
contention that the forces of production develop faster than the sociopolitical order in
which those forces of production arise. The result of this disparity is a radical
alteration of the sociopolitical order that allows it to catch up with the forces of
production. Marx claims that this is what occurred in the shift from feudalism to
bourgeois capitalism. This process, though, has not stopped. The conditions for the
existence of the bourgeois order are being undermined by the new forces of production
which the bourgeoisie themselves have ushered in. This is evidenced by the many economic
crises‹results of an epidemic of overproduction, which Marx sees as a consequence
of bourgeois economic development‹that rocked Europe in the 1830's and 40's. In
response to these crises, the bourgeoisie scale back their production, find new markets,
or more thoroughly exploit old ones. According to Marx, though, all this is for naught as
it does not treat the underlying problems that will create more acute crises in the
future. Indeed, the underlying problems cannot be suitably treated as capitalism contains
within it the seeds of its own demise, seeds which it itself nurtures through the
necessary creation and ultimate exploitation of a new class, the proletariat. The
proletariat is the workforce of bourgeois enterprise, a class of laborers who live only
so long as they can find work, and who find work only so long as their labor increases
capital (87). The proletarians are themselves commodities and are likewise subject to the
vicissitudes of the market. And as with any other commodity, businesses want to minimize
their cost of production, in this case, the wage that must be paid in order to make use
of the worker's labor power. According to Marx, this wage is the cost of bare subsistence
for the proletariat and his family. Because of the division of labor, the work of the
proletariat is assimilated to the great industrial machinery, of which they are no more
than cogs. As the division of labor and the mechanization of industry
increases‹necessary conditions of efficient production‹so does the drudgery
of the proletariat's work. As slaves to their bourgeois masters, the proletariat is in a
constant state of antagonism with the bourgeoisie. This antagonism, though, leads to the
mass mobilization‹helped by ever improving communication technologies‹of the
proletariat, increasingly aware of their collective power to effect changes in wages and
working conditions. Indeed, the bourgeoisie, who educate the proletariat in order to
mobilize the masses of workers in favor of their own political goals, helps the
proletariat in this. As the proletariat become more numerous and organized, though,
members of the bourgeoisie begin to realize that their class will fall and the
proletariat will triumph. These foresighted bourgeoisies, of which Marx is a member,
increase class-consciousness among the proletariat and hurry their historically ordained
victory. Eventually, the proletariat erupts into rebellion, casting off the shackles that
bound them to the bourgeoisie. They condemn all the bourgeois laws, morality, and
religions as facades for bourgeois economic interests. They rend society apart,
destroying the most fundamental condition of their own bondage, the institution of
private property. All this is the necessary result of the rapacious bourgeois appetite
for profit that brought the proletariat into existence and continually diminished his
welfare. Thus, the bourgeoisie undermine the conditions of their own existence. As Marx
concludes, What the bourgeoisie, therefore, produces, above all, is its own
grave-diggers. Its fall and the victory of the proletariat are equally inevitable (94).
Chapter 1 Analysis: Bourgeois and ProletariansThe Communist Manifesto was first published
on the eve of the revolutions that rocked Europe in 1848. It was meant as a statement of
purpose for Marx's newly formed Communist League and its straightforward, even prophetic,
tone is that of a man confidently explaining to a confused world the reasons for a tumult
that had not yet begun. Why this confidence? The answer to this depends on Marx's
deterministic view of history. Marx inherited from Hegel, his philosophical father, the
idea of historical progress. Like Hegel, Marx believed that human history unfolds
according to a distinct series of historical stages, each necessarily following the
other. These stages ultimately lead to a prescribed Utopian endpoint, after which there
will be no more change, an end to history. Unlike Hegel, though, Marx thought that these
stages could be foretold. This is because there are scientific laws, discoverable by
empirical methods, which govern the progress of history. In such a universe, people are
but midwifes, facilitating or frustrating the birth of a new historical period, unable to
alter the nature of the eventual result. Marx believed that he had discovered these laws
and with the certainty of a physicist predicting the trajectory of a projectile, Marx
predicted the demise of capitalism and the triumph of communism. According to Marx, the
course of human history takes a very specific form, class struggle. The engine of change
in history is class antagonism. Historical epochs are defined by the relationship between
different classes at different points in time. It is this model that Marx fleshes out in
his account of feudalism's passing in favor of bourgeois capitalism and his
prognostication of bourgeois capitalism's passing in favor of proletarian rule. These
changes are not the contingent results of random social, economic, and political events;
each follows the other in predictable succession. When he wrote The Manifesto, Marx
thought he was sounding the death knell for capitalism months before its demise. It is
crucial to note, though, that this antagonism also takes a very specific form, that of
the dialectic. According to Marx's dialectical account of history, which he adapts from
Hegel, every class is unstable, fated for ultimate destruction due to its internal
contradictions. Out of its ashes rises a new class, which has resolved the contradictions
of its predecessor but retains it own, which will cause its eventual passing. In more
specific terms, the bourgeoisie must create the proletariat as a condition of their own
development, i.e., in order to labor in their burgeoning industries. In doing this, they
must treat the proletariat ever worse (by minimizing their production costs) while
providing them the means to associate through politics. The necessary consequence of this
is that the proletariat gains power and overthrow their oppressors. The inner
contradiction is the bourgeois need for proletariat labor; a need which when met creates
the conditions of the bourgeoisie's eradication. The proletariat's moment in history is
unique, though, as the proletariat's vanquishing of capitalism leads to a classless
society. If there are no more classes, there cannot be any class antagonism; and if there
is no class antagonism, then on account of Marx's view of history, there will be no more
history. The triumph of the proletariat and the creation of a classless society is, then,
the Utopian end of history toward which all previous historical events are directed. More
specifically, it is crucial to note the central role that economics plays in Marx's view.
While we might be inclined to view the progress of history-if we believe in progress at
all-in terms of revolutionary ideas, i.e. Renaissance humanism, the scientific
revolution, the Enlightenment, etc., Marx viewed the progress of history in decidedly
materialistic terms. The grand ideas by which we characterize societies are always the
reflection of underlying economic realities. In Marxist language, the superstructure
(laws, morality, religion, politics, aesthetics: in short, culture) is always determined
by the infrastructure (the methods of economic production and exchange); their social
environments always determine people's thoughts and behaviors. What we think of as
cultural revolutions, even great political ones such as the French Revolution, are really
the product of deeper economic issues expressed through class antagonism. This may not be
immediately apparent as infrastructure always develops faster than superstructure. Every
so often, though, the superstructure has to slingshot forward in order to catch up with
the infrastructure. It is these great leaps forwards that we commonly misperceive as
revolutions in ideas. This, then, sets up Marx's theory of human history. Needless to
say, it has been the target of much criticism. There seems to be three central questions
here which need to be evaluated separately: 1) Is history governed by immutable laws? 2)
If so, does history have an end? 3) What is the moral value of this end? Marx clearly
thought that the answer to the first question is yes. One might corroborate this idea
with a metaphysical story about Providence or natural ends. Marx, though, claimed a
scientific, empirical status for his views, so he could rely on such abstract
justifications. Patterns of historical movement must be inferred from historical data. It
is apparent that Marx, at least at this point in his career, has not assembled enough
data to warrant the strength of his conclusions. His view of capitalism as a
self-defeating enterprise was based almost solely on his exposure to the textile industry
in Lancanshire, England. For Marx Lancanshire was capitalism teetering on the edge of the
abyss, on the verge of full proletariat revolt. The fact that there were few other areas
of such industrial sophistication elsewhere in Europe did not bother Marx. He was certain
that Lancanshire was the future and end of capitalism. With the benefit of hindsight, we
can see that Lancanshire was not in anyway the end of capitalism. It was merely an early
stage of capitalism, not representative of other industries and quite primitive by
today's industrial standards. Indeed, the revolutions Marx foresaw never happened until
the 20th century, in countries, contrary to Marx's expectation, with capitalist economies
in their infancy. Marx greatly underestimated the capacity for human innovation in
constructing new, more efficient methods of production which, rather than burdening the
worker, eased his labor. This does not demonstrate conclusively that there are not
recurring historical patterns or laws, but it does impugn Marx's claim to scientific
objectivity with respect to his own theory. Indeed, it is noteworthy that many later
Marxists and other thinkers with Marxist sympathies (many so-called postmodernists, such
as Lyotard, Foucault, and Derrida) advanced theories emphasizing the social construction
of all ideologies, Marx's included, and called into questions any so-called Grand
Narrative theory which sought to reduce human history to a linear progression governed by
simply explicable laws. The question of an end to history is centrally related to the
question of determinism. It is not, however, clear that determinism requires an end.
There is nothing inherent even in Marx's dialectical history that makes a final
resolution of contradictions necessary. One could easily imagine an interminable sequence
of conflicts, in which the engine of change is, for instance, biological fitness and not
the conflict of classes. In a sense, Marx stacks the deck in favor of an end, declaring
that the proletariat, the truly universal class, will abolish all distinctions of class
by destroying public property. A classless society cannot be ruled by the rules of class
conflict. But why should class be the only engine of change? And is the possession of
property the only indicator of social class? Perhaps strength of personality or certain
ideologies (religious, political, or otherwise) move people to action against each other
more than the possession of goods. In fact this seems borne out, at least in part, by
Marx's theory, for how else could any bourgeoisie, e.g. Marx himself, ever side against
his class and with the proletariat? And in the revolutions of 1848 in which Marx
predicted proletariat victory, nationalism was a much more powerful force than class
conflict. Even if there is an end, though, it does not seem obvious that this end is one
of which we should approve. We could be spiraling ineluctably to a fate that we'd rather
avoid if we could. Marx does stress that the capitalist is not being particularly selfish
when he exploits the proletariat, nor is the proletariat particularly altruistic when he
and his brethren rebel against their oppressors. Each party is just responding to the
laws of history. In these circumstances, attributions of vice and virtue are not entirely
appropriate. Why, then, does Marx welcome the end of history and indeed work to hasten
its arrival? From what perspective is Marx's moral judgment made if not from the
perspective of any class? This is an important question, but one which Marx does not
address explicitly in The Manifesto. Ultimately, Marx's answer to this question relies on
his theories about human nature and his explication of the moral consequences of
capitalism, specifically, his theory of alienation. Without an elaboration of these
theories, Marx's willingness to incite violence in favor of the proletariat is without
clear justification. Chapter 2 Summary: Proletarians and CommunistsMarx begins this
chapter by declaring that communists have no interests apart from the interests of the
working class as a whole. Communists are distinguished from other socialist parties by
focusing solely on the common interests of all workers and not the interests of any
single national movement. They appreciate the historical forces that compel the progress
of their class and help lead the proletariat to fulfill their destiny. As Marx says, The
immediate aim of the Communists is the same as that of all other proletarian parties:
formation of the proletariat into a class, overthrow of the bourgeois supremacy, conquest
of political power by the proletariat (95). Marx then responds to a number of criticisms
from an imagined bourgeois interlocutor. He considers the charge that by wishing to
abolish private property, the communist is destroying the ground work of all personal
freedom, activity, and independence(96). Marx responds by saying that wage labor does not
properly create any property for the laborer. It only creates capital, a property that
works only to augment the exploitation of the worker. This property, this capital, is
based on class antagonism. Having linked private property to class antagonism, Marx
proceeds to investigate both antagonists with respect to their independence. Marx first
notes that capital is a social product, that is, capital only exists within some social
system. The result of this is that capital is not a personal but a social power. Making
property public then, as the communist wants to do, is not changing the private to the
social; it is only modifying its already inherent social character. Returning to the
condition of the wage laborer, Marx argues that the average price of wage labor is the
minimum wage, i.e. the quantum of the means of subsistence which is the absolutely
requisite to keep the laborer in bare existence as a laborer (97). The proletariat, then,
is absolutely dependent on the capitalist for his very survival. He does not acquire any
property because his wage must be given immediately to his own subsistence. Communists
want to ensure that the laborer exists for more than merely the increase of bourgeois
capital. Labor should not be directed towards the accumulation of wealth on the part of
the capitalist. Rather, capital, or property in general, should be directed toward the
enrichment of the laborer's life. Abolition of private property means, then, only the
abolition of bourgeoisie property. The freedom that the bourgeois believe is underwritten
by private property is a very narrow freedom, one available only to a very small subset
of the population. Moreover, this form of property depends on its radically unequal
distribution. The ultimate point, as Marx says, is that communism deprives no man of the
power to appropriate the products of society; all that is does is to deprive him of the
power to subjugate the labor of others by means of such appropriation (99). Marx also
considers the criticism that a communist society would promote general idleness. This
strikes Marx as laughable considering that in bourgeois society those who work do not
acquire anything while those who acquire things do not work. In the end, the force of
this charge, as with the force of all these other charges, presupposes the bourgeois
system of property. As Marx says, Don't wrangle with us so long as you apply, to our
intended abolition of bourgeois property, the standard of your bourgeois notions of
freedom, culture, law, etc. Your very ideas are but the outgrowth of the conditions of
your bourgeois production and bourgeois property... (100). He accuses the bourgeoisie of
elevating to the status of immutable truths values that are only local and contingent. It
is selfish conceit that blinds the bourgeoisie to the reality of the historical progress,
which Marx here seeks to elucidate. Communists are also accused of desiring to destroy
the family. To this Marx pleads guilty, reiterating his oft mentioned contention that the
object of destruction is specifically the bourgeois exemplar. To the capitalist, a spouse
and children are mere instruments of production, like the machines in his factory.
Furthermore, the education he wishes for them simply perpetuates their subordination. A
communist society would alter these relations, utilizing the educational system to end
the exploitation that women, children, and the vast working classes suffer under
capitalism. This is a self-conscious destruction of society, but only as a cleansing of
the old in preparation for the new. As for the suggestion that communists wish to abolish
countries, Marx responds that this process is already occurring due to bourgeois efforts
to expand free trade. Such globalization will continue as class-consciousness develops
across the proletariat of all nations. Marx even goes so far as to predict that
antagonism between nations will vanish as class antagonisms fade away. Class defines one
far more than nationality. While Marx acknowledges that the revolution will be different
in different countries, he includes an outline of its likely course in advanced
capitalistic nations: (in Marx's words, 104)1. Abolition of private property in land and
application of all rents of land to public purposes. 2. A heavy progressive or graduated
income tax. 3. Abolition of the rights of inheritance. 4. Confiscation of the property of
emigrants and rebels. 5. Centralization of credit in the hands of the State, by means of
a national bank with State capital and an exclusive monopoly. 6. Centralization of the
means of communication and transport in the hands of the State. 7. Extension of factories
and instruments of production owned by the State; the bringing into cultivation of
wastelands, and the improvement of the soil generally in accordance with a common plan.
8. Equal liability of all labor. Establishment of industrial armies, especially for
agriculture. 9. Combination of agriculture with manufacturing industries; gradual
abolition of the distinction between town and country, by a more equitable distribution
of the population over the country. 10. Free education for all children in public
schools. Abolition of children's factory labor in its present form. Combination of
education with industrial production, etc. Marx concludes the chapter by repeating his
claim that once the proletariat achieve political power, the eventual result will be a
classless society. Abolishing bourgeois modes of production undermines the continued
existence of class antagonisms, and without class antagonism, the proletariat will lose
their own class character. As Marx famously closes the chapter, In place of the old
bourgeois society, with its classes and class antagonisms, we shall have an association,
in which the free development of each is the condition for the free development of all
(105). Chapter 2 Analysis: Proletarians and CommunistsThe most important theses advanced
in this section relate to Marx's response to bourgeois criticisms of communism. The first
and most important charge Marx entertains is that the abolition of private property
destroys the ground work of all personal freedom, activity, and independence(96). Marx's
curious first move is to respond that the bourgeois system of property does not provide
any property for the worker. It is hard to see how this directly bears on the criticism
since its leaves open the obvious suggestion that workers should be compensated more for
their work. Inequality in distribution does not, as such, imply that private property
need be abolished. The real force of Marx's charge relies on his assumption that the
necessary condition of the existence of bourgeois property is the non-existence of any
property for the immense majority of society (98). Nowhere in the Manifesto does Marx
substantiate this claim. The question then becomes one of how he would even be able to
substantiate such a claim. In brief, there are two ways: a priori and a posteriori, that
is, judgment independent of experience or judgment from experience. Marx seems genuinely
conflicted as to what sort of judgment he wants to make. He claims that his theory of
history is based on empirical evidence, but the body of evidence to which he refers is
very limited and of a type which, because of the multitude of variables in any social
system, makes clear study of causal relations very difficult. Marx's willingness to
proclaim with full faith a certain historical outcome indicates that there is an a priori
judgment being made which belies Marx's scientific pretensions. Necessity in Marx's
political program seems to be secured by the dialectical method he uses, i.e., his belief
that the seeds for one class's ruin lie in its inner contradictions, contradictions
necessary to its identity as a class. The bourgeois will fail because they must create an
exploited class, the proletariat, who must rebel and destroy them. Recall the problematic
nature of agency in Marx. Their class defines people and so their actions are simply the
realization of their class destiny. While Marx may use historical evidence to justify his
economic analyses, the real force of his program, its supposed necessity, is ultimately
justified by his philosophical (methodological) assumptions. While evidence may not
justify the full predictive force of Marx's theory, it can certainly repudiate it. Marx
could argue for the necessity of any outcome he wished, but if that outcome does not
occur as he says, then his theory will be invalidated no matter what he predicted. Let's
see, then, if his claim that capitalism can exist only as long as workers do not
accumulate property matches the economic evidence. If we take our contemporary condition
as an example, we see at least three relevant departures from a Marxist vision: 1) The
first relates to the role of government in the economy. Marx believed that government
must either be laissez-faire or in complete control of the economy. We have seen,
however, that government can and has intervened in the economy to the benefit of workers
and business. Government has implemented a minimum wage to keep workers above the poverty
line, created welfare and unemployment aid to struggling workers, and instituted labor
regulations to safeguard worker well-being on the job. And while there is still some
debate as to the ideal nature of these interventions, there is little doubt that they
have actually advanced economic development in the long run by creating and sustaining a
secure and healthy workforce, a workforce without which business could not develop. This
is especially true, as the physical demands of labor have decreased greatly since Marx's
time. The above changes have occurred without a full-scale socialization of the economy.
Improving the lot of workers, then, by allowing them to acquire property has not
destroyed capitalism. 2) In times of economic success, the labor market tightens, and
workers often are able to choose among many employers. If they do not like the terms of
employment offered by one employer, they are free to seek employment elsewhere. While
this does not eliminate the possibility of conditions existing across all industries,
which are objectionable, it does mean the worker has more power than Marx allowed him or
her. As a matter of fact, contrary to Marx, those industries, which are doing the best
economically, are usually those with the highest paid employees. 3) Marx assumed that the
only way for the capitalists to increase their markets was through imperialism. While
this is the way many capitalists preceded in the late 19th century, it ignores another
alternative. An economy with well-paid workers creates a potential market for its goods
amongst its workers. While this may reduce profit margins in the immediate, it provides a
reliable and sustainable market for the future with a workforce eager to work for the
ability to consume again. Indeed, as of late, many of these workers possess stock in
their employer's company or in some other investment fund, making them part owners of the
company. This kind separation between ownership and control defies Marx's analysis.
Marx's contention that capital is social is interesting, though does not secure his
conclusion. Capital is indeed social in that it relies on a complex nexus of social
conventions. If this is all that Marx is saying, though, it does not seem as if the
capitalist need in any way object. In reality, Marx seems to be taking issue with the
idea that private property is antecedent to society and that society in protecting the
right to contract is protecting a pre-social right. While Marx may be correct in
criticizing this Lockean view, this does not mean that the social character of capital
brings it any closer to full socialization than in the Lockean view. The right to possess
property may be an expressly social right, an extension of each individual's right to
determine his own destiny within his social world. Now the Marxist will have much to say
to this, but for the present, it suffices to show that the social character of wealth
does not make the abolition of private property seem a less radical shift from the status
quo. The proposition that labor should be directed to the improvement of the laborer
rather than towards the accumulation of capital is more important than Marx indicates
here. Indeed, I believe it expresses the heart of Marx's concern with economics, a
concern that transcends the problems of his dialectical methodology. There are two levels
at which to understand this improvement. First of all, it can mean that laborer should
accumulate his own capital, that is, his wage should be more than what allows for mere
survival. As we have seen, the further development of capitalism seems have to addressed
this. Marx could, though, mean the criticism on a deeper level, one, which would remain
relevant even to societies in which laborers accumulate their own capital. While Marx
does not make this so explicit in the Manifesto- he doesn't need to if he is right about
the necessity of laborers not being able to accumulate capital-I believe he actually
means to indict any capitalistic or, indeed, any money-based economy. Marx's fundamental
problem with capitalism is moral. He believes that a system of exchange based on money
causes us to view our fellow humans as things of value and not as moral beings. As human
beings, we are defined by what we do in our lives, by how we labor. When the object of
labor is taken from us and we instead receive money for our efforts, we have lost a piece
of ourselves; we become, in Marx's word, alienated from our labor. This undermines our
unity as human beings and makes us slaves to the external world. This is not the place
for a complete discussion of Marx's theory of alienation. (see Marx's Economic and
Philosophical Manuscripts of 1884 for the most interesting treatment of these issues). It
is important to realize, though, that this theory underlies all of what is said in the
Manifesto and must be evaluated independently to due justice to the complexity of Marx's
view. Marx's treatment of the charge of idleness is more interesting than his glib answer
would indicate. One obvious concern is free riders. If what you receive does not directly
depend on your labor, then there is an apparent incentive to do nothing. This is a common
criticism of modern welfare systems, for instance. All of this assumes, of course, that
there is something objectionable about work. Marx would likely respond that this view of
labor is itself the product of capitalism and so the free-rider problem will fade as the
vestiges of capitalism fade. Consistent with Marx's theory of alienation discussed above,
labor will become ennobling and people will not avoid it. Ultimately, it is hard to
assess this claim since no such society has such existed. One would have to take Marx's
conjecture on faith. Also related, is the idleness charge might be better interpreted as
a claim that state monopolization of the economy will reduce the incentive to innovate.
This could unfortunately minimize the development of goods and technologies that augment
the well being of humankind. In addition, lack of innovation could keep the costs of
production unnecessarily high by slowing the creation of more cost-effective production
technologies. While we have seen these trends in contemporary capitalist economies, Marx
might respond that our idea that people are decisively motivated by competition is itself
a product of bourgeois society, and we cannot assume that it would hold once that society
is destroyed. Again, this is true, but if we apply evolutionary logic to our psychology,
it seems that competitiveness is biological and while society may try to stem its
application, it will persist until our biology is altered. Marx's view that any form of
social education prepares one for inclusion in one's community is quite correct.
Education is about separating the chaff from the wheat, the right from the wrong. And
while bourgeois education may not have the explicit political character that the
communist proposes, it is nevertheless political. It has to be, or else on what ground
does it resist the communist alternative? This needn't imperil the bourgeois opposition,
but it will force him to defend his values against Marx. Unfortunately, liberal education
has not met this challenge very successfully. As for globalization, it is notable that
the most obstinate opponents of globalization during recent history have been trade
unions. Trade unionists do not seek to overthrow their employers; they want, first and
foremost, job security, and then they want to improve the conditions of their labor,
e.g., wages, benefits, etc. Marx would respond that this is only because workers have not
developed an appropriate class-consciousness. While this may be true, Marx's claim that
he is speaking on the worker's behalf becomes suspicious when the worker's actual desires
differ from what Marx says they should desire. Also, Marx's allying the proletariat cause
with globalization is enlightening given the fact that nationalism was a much more
powerful ideological force in the revolutions of 1848 than socialism. Indeed, those who
did revolt for economic reasons did so for the right to work and not overhaul the entire
economic system. Near the end of this chapter, Marx notes somewhat paradoxically that a
proletariat victory will lead to a classless society. This is because in destroying the
bourgeois methods of productions, the proletariat will have destroyed the conditions for
class formation. But why should this be? Why is the bourgeois form of production
necessarily the terminus? I have addressed this in the chapter 1 analysis, but it is
worth noting again. Also, the proletariat's ascent to power seems different from the
bourgeois ascent centuries before, a difference, which is important because Marx claims
that the patterns of class ascendancy repeat themselves. While the bourgeois were nearly
in full economic power by the time they gained political power, the proletariat will gain
political power before they gain economic power by abolishing private property. It is not
clear how Marx would deal with this disanalogy, considering that the only concrete
evidence Marx cites of a class revolution is the bourgeois revolution. Challenging Marx's
interpretation of that instance could completely undermine his claims to empiricism.
Also, why should it be that economics should be the sole determinate of class? While
economics may seem central to our self-conception, it does not seem at all obvious that
an economic leveling will eliminate our propensity for dividing into antagonistic
'us'/'them' binarisms. Religion, ethnicity, race, gender, and sexuality: these are the
heart of much conflict in our contemporary world. Arguing that all of these can be
reduced to a conflict between economic classes does not seem to do justice to the
importance of these characteristics in our lives. Marx's closes this chapter by famously
remarking, In place of the old bourgeois society, with its classes and class antagonisms,
we shall have an association, in which the free development of each is the condition for
the free development of all (105). Now for many egalitarian-minded bourgeoisie, such an
association sounds like a noble goal even if one doesn't agree with the communist means
to its attainment. There are those, however, for whom this is not such a worthwhile goal.
Friedrich Nietzsche is perhaps this most famous opponent of such social leveling. For
Nietzsche humanity is measured by its greatest exemplars rather than by its average well
being or the condition of its lowest members. If greatness can only be cultivated at the
expense of the exploitation of the masses, so be it. A level society reduces us to the
lowest common denominator and precludes the achievement of greatness, which, it would
seem, relies on distinction. While Marx would likely dismiss this as a bourgeois value he
means to eradicate, it is worth considering the costs of true equality to our form of
civilization. Chapter 3 Summary: Socialist and Communist LiteratureIn this section Marx
explores the evolution of European socialism up to his own day. Not surprisingly, he
charges all previous movements with theoretical and practical inadequacy while hailing
his own communist alternative as the best expression of a shared concern with the
working-class. I. Reactionary SocialismA. Feudal Socialism This was the earliest form of
socialism. Aristocrats who were opposed to the social changes brought about by the
expanding bourgeoisie developed it. Rather than focusing on their own plight, though,
they trumpeted the concerns of working classes. Marx repudiates these feudal socialists
for ignoring the fact that they were exploiters too when they were in power. Most
importantly, though, they had no appreciation of historical progress. They did not
understand that the bourgeoisie were their own offspring as the proletariat are the
offspring of the bourgeoisie. Their primary concern was in reinstating the old feudal
order, and they thus objected to both the bourgeoisie and proletariat insofar as each
threatened to destroy previous social systems. Marx also identifies feudal socialism with
Christian socialism, remarking, Christian socialism is but the holy water with which the
priest consecrates the heart-burnings of the aristocrat (108). B. Petty-Bourgeois
Socialism As Marx has noted in earlier chapters, bourgeois dominance increasingly divides
society into two classes, bourgeoisie and proletariat. There still exists a third class,
though, which constantly fluctuates between bourgeoisie and proletariat, the
petty-bourgeoisie. Increasingly, though, this class in being assimilated into the
proletariat as society becomes more urbanized and reliant on industrial production.
Petty-bourgeois socialism arises from this class, but holds up the standard of the
proletariat, with whom the bourgeoisie are a shared enemy. Marx credits this school of
socialism with dissect[ing] with great acuteness the contradictions in the conditions of
modern production, but ultimately upbraids them for wanting to reinstate old social
formations. They do not see that the answer to bourgeois exploitation is to develop the
proletariat into a revolutionary class rather than to return the worker to the country
and renew a failed feudalism. C. German or 'True' Socialism: German Socialism began as a
response to French socialist literature. These early socialists, though, did not
appreciate that the French ideas grew out of a social environment, which did not exist
yet in Germany. Unlike the French bourgeoisie, the German bourgeoisie had barely begun
their struggle against feudalism and there was no proletariat to speak of. As socialism
lacked practical significance for Germany, German thinkers universalized the French
ideas, raising them to the status of immutable laws of human Reason, transcending the
narrow concerns of any particular class. Those who championed these ideas in the
political area forgot that they were developed for a society different from their own;
the result of this premature valorization of socialistic values was a hardening of
aristocratic resistance to the bourgeoisie. This has slowed the progress of
industrialization and kept Germany less developed economically than France. While the
political rhetoric of this movement has earned it many admirers, its lack of class
character and it's decrying of violent revolution make it weak and ineffectual. II.
Conservative, or Bourgeois, Socialism This is the form of socialism practiced by those
sections of the bourgeoisie who wish to reform their class rather than destroy it. They
want to enjoy the social developments, which their economic and political supremacy has
effected, but they do not want to accept the necessary consequences of that development,
a suffering and revolutionary proletariat. They beg for social harmonies yet refuse to
realize that the exploitation of the masses will not end until their form of society has
been vanquished. To this end, they simply prolong the misery of the proletariat and stand
in the way of historical progress. III. Critical-Utopian Socialism and Communism The
first great expositors of Socialism and Communism (Saint-Simon, Fourier, Owen, etc.)
appeared very early in the bourgeois epoch. Accordingly, they did not fully appreciate
the character of the proletariat as the revolutionary class, the vehicle of historical
action. For them the proletariat was merely the locus of social misery, the class most in
need of assistance. Their primary concern was with the well being of society as a whole
and they directed their entreaties to those who they thought could effect change, those
already in power. Change was to occur peacefully from above rather than violently from
below. Their critical faculties, though, extended to all portions of society and have
helped the working classes focus their own struggle. The visions of society that they
propose, though, are Utopian to the point of being fantastical. Notably, as class
antagonism develops, their suggestions become more far-fetched and less inspiring. They
want to abolish class conflict without abolishing the conditions for the existence of
classes. At the moment of revolution, then, they become reactionary, resisting the
inevitable emancipation of the exploited masses for which they originally toiled. Chapter
3 Analysis: Socialist and Communist LiteratureThere are three major criticisms that Marx
offers against rival brands of socialism. First, they use the present misery of the
working class as a reason to restore older methods of social organization; that is, it is
backward looking rather than forward-looking. It is notable that Marx not only thinks
that moving backwards is not only unwise, but he thinks it impossible. History moves only
in one direction and once the material and economic conditions of one historical epoch
are present, one cannot return to past modes of production or, significantly, modes of
social existence. According to Marx, economic conditions determine all other aspects of
society, and so it is impossible to keep these levels apart for long. It is important to
recognize, though, that this criticism does not, on its own, undermine its object. While
we may often be seduced by the idea that forward is always better, one must provide a
theoretical basis for this; change for change's sake is not always good. Marx does, of
course, provide a justification for this, which we have assessed independently. Without
such a justification it is certainly an open question as whether the problems of the
present can be solved by looking to the wisdom of one's predecessors or only by forging a
new and unique future. Also, paradoxically enough, Marx's analysis of the relationship
between economics and culture may give fodder to certain reactionary movements, giving
them a reason to prevent the inclusion of new technologies because it will inevitably end
up changing their social ideologies. One might view the Islamic revolutions of recent
history as an example of movements putting this judgment to use in ways opposed to Marx's
own. Marx's second criticism is that many of his contemporaries look forward to a new
society but do not appreciate the extent to which change is needed. The common fault of
these people is their reluctance to endorse violence as a method of social change. They
might believe that slow and steady reforms are the best way to ameliorate proletariat
anxiety, or they might believe that quicker, more radical departures from the past are
needed. In either case, though, they still want to suppress the revolutionary element of
the proletariat. Again, Marx believes that such a stance challenges the inevitable. Only
through blood will the world be cleansed. The problem here is that Marx nowhere justifies
his contention that the proletariat revolution need be violent. While the social
conditions existing during Marx's time might have led him to the conclusion that the
working-class will not be satisfied until they have tasted the blood of their oppressors,
he needs a stronger basis if he wants to substantiate a claim to inevitability. Perhaps
he is extrapolating from the transition from the aristocracy to the bourgeoisie, which
was epitomized in the French Revolution. First, whether this is best explanation of the
French Revolution is in doubt. And second, it seems very poor science indeed, what Marx
claims to practice, to make a prediction based upon a single past occurrence. In fact it
seems as if the transition to bourgeois power in England and Germany happened without
similar bloodshed. It seems that in this instance, as in others, Marx is letting his
philosophical methodology, the dialectical method, influence his assessment of the
empirical facts. The dialectic requires conflict in order to resolve its opposing
elements. That Marx interpreted this, as outright revolution is not surprising given the
time in which he lived. Marx's third criticism is that other forms of socialism do not
appreciate the truly classist character of the conflict. This is the problem with the
philosophized socialism, which elevates the principles of freedom to the point of
practical irrelevance, and with bourgeois socialism that beseech the powers that be on
behalf of the lower classes. The former deny the significance of class altogether while
the latter do not realize that the only significant action must come from the oppressed
class itself and not from the benevolent intervention of the bourgeoisie. This is because
the proletariat must develop a class-consciousness in order to unite and overthrow their
oppressors. Those who deny this class character stand in the way of the development of
this consciousness and so perpetuate the enslavement of the masses. Again, Marx does not
provide any justification for his belief that reform must come from below beyond his
theory of historical progress. Indeed, such reforms seem to have been fairly successful
in improving the condition of workers. While there is still considerable suffering in the
world, one would be hard-pressed to attribute this entirely to economic development.
Indeed, most of the third world's problems stem from economic underdevelopment. Even in
the developed world, the proletariat, insofar as one can claim its exists, is very
limited. The middle-class has continued to grow while the lower class has remained
relatively small. It is certainly not the social juggernaut, which Marx thought it would
be. In any case, it is difficult to maintain that proletariat revolution is inevitable
150 years after an immediate revolution was predicted. There is a notable absence in
Marx's list of contemporary rivals, the anarchists. These followers of the Russian social
thinker Mikhail Bakunin were very active in the revolutionary movements of the mid 19th
century. Marx does not include them because they are neither socialist nor communist. I
bring them up to draw attention to a potentially problematic aspect of Marx's view, the
role of government in effecting social change. As the name might suggest, anarchists
desire the destruction of government altogether; a dictatorship of the proletariat is no
better than the executive committee of the bourgeoisie. All government shackles humans
unnaturally and creates the conditions for all kinds of inequities. If people were left
to his or her own devices, the natural goodness of the human nature would reign and
government would become irrelevant. The important question this challenge raises for Marx
is why government is the best agent to improve society. One doesn't need to be an
anarchist to ask this question; libertarians raise it as well. A Marxist might respond
thusly: First of all, the state will wither away after the proletariat succeeds in fully
revolutionizing society. It is here to facilitate the transformation to self-control and
not to perpetuate itself indefinitely. This step is necessary in order to acclimatize
people to a new type of society, to purge them of their previous bourgeois illusions and
create a new type of socialist citizen. Remove the tethers now, as the anarchist would
have it, and the result would be an egoistic chaos, a Hobbessian war of all against all.
How else could one expect people to act having been raised in a selfish, competitive
bourgeois culture? Government controls society until it is ready to control itself. This
seems a powerful response to the anarchist whose rosy picture of human nature seems
implausible--the same has been said about Marxism, but we have discussed that previously.
It does not, though, answer the libertarian who would decry Marx as offensively
paternalistic, violating people's rights to determine their own destiny absent government
coercion. Marx would respond that it is naive to think that people control their own
destiny. Bourgeois freedom is not freedom; economics is destiny. Eliminating explicit
government intervention in one's life does not eliminate the influence of society
altogether. Influence is pervasive; communists are just putting it to good use in
extricating the conditions of oppression? The libertarian might respond that while social
power is pervasive, this does not mean that we should allow government intervention; we
should rather work to minimize the more subtle social coercion. People possess rights not
to be used for broad social ends without their consent. Even if we agree with Marx's
ideal society, there is value in people's coming to such a society on their own accord.
While forcibly creating this society might benefit future generations, it does not
benefit those who have to suffer a loss of autonomy to achieve that end, especially if
they are not given the opportunity to dissent. One must provide another argument for such
a strong obligation on the present on the behalf of the future. As is clear, this outcome
of this debate is far from certain and underlies much of the criticism against
contemporary Leftist political parties, descendants of Marx. Chapter 4 Summary: Position
of the Communists in Relation to the Various Existing Opposition PartiesIn this final
chapter Marx recapitulates the immediate political aims of Communism. He identifies
allied parties in various European states, noting that while communists support all
working-class parties, they always stay focused on the long-term interests of the
proletariat as a whole. Importantly, Marx claims that Germany is the chief focus of
Communist interest because while the bourgeoisie in Germany have not yet achieved victory
over the aristocracy, the proletariat there is more developed than it was when either the
French or English bourgeoisie won their independence. The result of this is that the
proletariat revolution will arrive first in Germany. Despite this focus, Communists will
support any and all revolutionary movements that advocate the abolition of private
property and advance the interests of the proletariat. As Marx powerfully concludes, Let
the ruling classes tremble at a Communistic revolution. The proletarians have nothing to
lose but their chains. They have a world to win. WORKING MEN OF ALL COUNTRIES, UNITE!
Chapter 4 Analysis: Position of the Communists in Relation to the Various Existing
Opposition PartiesThe concluding chapter of the Manifesto is very short. It says little
new and is meant primarily to forcefully restate the communist's political purposes. Marx
does, though, make an interesting observation in predicting that Germany will be the site
of the inaugural proletariat revolt. This is interesting because it indicates that all
societies need not progress at the same rate in approaching communist revolution. The
ordering remains‹feudalism, capitalism, communism‹but the pacing is
different. This is also apparent in Marx's insistence that communists raise the property
question always and everywhere. Marx's willingness to hurry things here might well have
influenced later Marxist revolutionaries who did not even await the arrival of fully
developed capitalism to liberate the masses. It is these people, Trotsky and Lenin in
Russia, Mao Tse-Tung in China, and Fidel Castro and Che Guevara in Latin America, whom we
most associate with communism as they succeeded in bringing it to some one half of the
world's population. As the cold war has ended and the remaining communist states are
slowly atrophying, it is tempting to bury Marxism happily, offering only a litany of
human atrocities as its ironic eulogy. This, though, ignores the debt we owe Marx for
both focusing our attention on the plight of those on whose strength the wheels of
industry turn and elaborating the multifarious ways in which we are products of our
societies. And despite the sad and bloody legacy of his followers, perhaps the greatest
debt we owe Marx is the temporary hope he gave that there might be some radically
different and better alternative to our society.
Key Terms and Quotes:
Key Terms:
Bourgeoisie: [B]y bourgeoisie is meant the class of modern Capitalists, owners of the
means of social production and employers of wage labor (79). The bourgeoisie developed
out of feudalism and will be destroyed by the proletariat, whom they necessary exploit on
account of their economic position. 
Proletariat: [B]y proletariat [is meant] the class of modern-wage laborers who, having no
means of production of their own, are reduced to selling their labor power in order to
live (79). The proletariat developed as a result of bourgeois capitalism, but their
economic condition deteriorates as the bourgeois economic condition improves. This
reciprocal relationship will eventually cause the proletariat to rise up and destroy the
bourgeoisie. 
Dialectic: A process by which one element, the thesis, is contradicted by an opposing
element, the antithesis. This contradiction is resolved by a synthesis of the thesis and
antithesis. The synthesis then becomes the new thesis and the sequence repeats. This is
the process by which Marx believes history proceeds, a dialectic of class antagonism. The
proletariat victory will be an end to the dialectic and thus an end to history. 
Capital: Money, or the bourgeois form of private property used to produce wealth.
Exchange of capital replaces the exchange of commodities in feudal economies. Labor is
valued in terms of capital, and workers receive monetary wages in compensation for their
work. 
Capitalism: An economic system based on the exchange of capital. 
Socialism: A social system that favors collective ownership of the means of economic
production and distribution. 
Communism: A form of socialism proposed by Karl Marx, which intends to effect socialist
reforms by advocating a revolution of the proletariat. 
Quotes in contextual order:
o A specter is haunting Europe: the specter of Communism (78) 
o The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles (79) 
o Society as a whole is more and more splitting into two great hostile camps, into two
great classes directly facing each other: Bourgeoisie and Proletariat (80). 
o The executive of the modern state is but a committee for the managing of the common
affairs of the whole bourgeoisie (82). 
o [The bourgeoisie] is unfit to rule because it is incompetent to assure an existence to
its slave within his slavery, because it cannot help letting him sink into such a state,
that it has to feed him, instead of being fed by him. Society can no longer live under
this bourgeoisie, in other words, its existence is no longer compatible with society
(93). 
o What the bourgeoisie, therefore, produces, above all, is its own grave-diggers. Its
fall and the victory of the proletariat are equally inevitable (94). 
o The immediate aim of the Communists is the same as that of all the other proletariat
parties: formation of the proletariat into a class, the overthrow of the bourgeois
supremacy, conquest of political power by the proletariat (95). 
o ...the theory of the Communists may be summed up in the single sentence: Abolition of
private property (96). 
o Communism deprives no man of the power to appropriate the products of society; all that
is does is to deprive him of the power to subjugate the labor of others by means of such
appropriation (99). 
o In place of the old bourgeois society, with its classes and class antagonisms, we shall
have an association, in which the free development of each is the condition for the free
development of all (105). 
o Let the ruling classes tremble at a Communistic revolution. The proletarians have
nothing to lose but their chains. WORKING MEN OF ALL COUNTRIES, UNITE! (120). 
About the Communist Manifesto
In 1846 Karl Marx was exiled from Paris on account of his radical politics. He moved to
Belgium where he attempted to assemble a ragtag group of exiled German artisans into an
unified political organization, the German Working Men's Association. Marx, aware of the
presence of similar organizations in England, called these groups together for a meeting
in the winter of 1847. Under Marx's influence this assemblage of working-class parties
took the name The Communist League, discussing their grievances with capitalism and
potential methods of response. While most of the delegates to this conference advocated
universal brotherhood as a solution to their economic problems, Marx preached the fiery
rhetoric of class warfare, explaining to the mesmerized workers that revolution was not
only the sole answer to their difficulties but was indeed inevitable. The League,
completely taken with Marx, commissioned him to write a statement of their collective
principles, a statement that became The Communist Manifesto. 
After the conference, Marx returned to Brussels, carrying with him a declaration of
socialism penned by two delegates, the lone copy of The Communist Journal, the
publication of the London branch of the Communist League, and a statement of principles
written by Engels. Although Marx followed Engel's principles very closely, the Manifesto
is entirely of his own hand. Marx wrote furiously, but just barely made the deadline the
League had set for him. The Manifesto was published in February 1848 and quickly
published so as to fan the flames of revolution, which smoldered on the Continent. When
revolution broke out in Germany in March 1848, Marx traveled to the Rhineland to put his
theory into practice. When this revolution was suppressed, Marx fled to London and the
Communist League disbanded, the Manifesto its only legacy to the world. 
The Manifesto has lived a long and illustrious life. While it was hardly noticed amongst
the crowded field of pamphlets and treatises published in 1848, it has had a more
profound effect on the intellectual and political history of the world than any single
work in the past 150 years. It has inspired the communist political systems that ruled
nearly half the world's population at its height and defined the chief ideological
conflict of the second half of the twentieth century, altering even those countries which
stood firmly against communism, e.g. Western European and American Welfare States.
Intellectually, Marx's work has profoundly influenced nearly every field of study from
the humanities to the social sciences to the natural sciences. It is hard to imagine an
area of serious human inquiry that Marxism has not touched. 
But even in the enormous body of work related to Marxism, The Manifesto is undoubtedly
unique. Even at its short length (only 23 pages at its first printing), it the only full
exposition of his program that Marx wrote. And while Marx developed his views throughout
his career, he never departed far from the original principles outlined therein. The
Manifesto is, without a doubt, Marx's most enduring literary legacy, setting in motion a
movement that has, although not in exactly the way Marx predicted, radically changed the
world. As Marx famously asserted in his Theses on Feuerbach, The philosophers have
interpreted the world in many ways. What matters is changing it. No one has epitomized
this as much as he. 
Short Summary:
The Communist Manifesto opens with the famous words The history of all hitherto societies
has been the history of class struggles, and proceeds in the next 41 pages to
single-mindedly elaborate this proposition (79). In section 1, Bourgeois and
Proletarians, Marx delineates his vision of history, focusing on the development and
eventual destruction of the bourgeoisie, the dominant class of his day. Before the
bourgeoisie rose to prominence, society was organized according to a feudal order run by
aristocratic landowners and corporate guilds. With the discovery of America and the
subsequent expansion of economic markets, a new class arose, a manufacturing class, which
took control of international and domestic trade by producing goods more efficiently than
the closed guilds. With their growing economic powers, this class began to gain political
power, destroying the vestiges of the old feudal society that sought to restrict their
ambition. According to Marx, the French Revolution was the most decisive instance of this
form of bourgeois self-determination. Indeed, Marx thought bourgeois control so pervasive
that he claimed, the executive of the modern State is but a committee for managing the
common affairs of the whole bourgeoisie (82). 
This bourgeois ascendancy has, though, created a new social class that labor in the new
bourgeois industries. These classes, the proletariat, wage-laborers who, having no means
of production of their own, are reduced to selling their labor power in order to live,
are the necessary consequence of bourgeois modes of production (79). As bourgeois
industries expand and increase their own capital, the ranks of the proletariat swell as
other classes of society, artisans and small business owners, cannot compete with the
bourgeois capitalists. Additionally, the development of bourgeois industries causes a
proportional deterioration in the condition of the proletariat. This deterioration, which
can be slowed but not stopped, creates within the proletariat a revolutionary element
that will eventually destroy their bourgeois oppressors. As Marx says, What the
bourgeoisie, therefore, produces, above all, is its own grave-diggers. Its fall and the
victory of the proletariat are equally inevitable (94). 
In Chapter 2, Proletariats and Communists, Marx elaborates the social changes communists
hope to effect on behalf of the proletariat. Marx notes firstly that the interests of
communists do not differ from the interests of the proletariat as a class; they seek only
to develop a class-consciousness in the proletariat, a necessary condition of eventual
proletariat emancipation. The primary objective of communists and the revolutionary
proletariat is the abolition of private property, for it is this that keeps them
enslaved. Bourgeois economics, i.e., capitalism, requires that the owners of the means of
production compensate workers only enough to ensure their mere physical subsistence and
reproduction. In other words, the existence of bourgeois property, or capital as Marx
calls it, relies on its radically unequal distribution. The only way the proletariat can
free itself from bourgeois exploitation is to abolish capitalism. In achieving this goal,
the proletariat will destroy all remnants of bourgeois culture which act to perpetuate,
if even implicitly, their misery. This includes family organization, religion, morality,
jurisprudence, etc. Culture is but the result of specific material/economic conditions
and has no life independent of these. The result of this struggle will be an association
in which the free development of each is the condition for the development of all (104).

Chapter 3, Socialist and Communist Literature, encompasses Marx's discussion of the
relationship between his movement and previous or contemporaneous socialist movements. In
this chapter he repudiates these other movements for not fully understanding the
significance of the proletarian struggle. They all suffer from at least one of 3
problems: 1) they look to previous modes of social organization for a solution to present
difficulties; 2) they deny the inherent class character of the existing conflict; 3) they
do not recognize that violent revolution on the part of the proletariat is the only way
to eradicate the conditions of oppression. Only the Marxist communists truly appreciate
the historical movement in which the antagonism between the proletariat and bourgeois is
the final act. 
The final chapter, Position of the Communists in Relation to the Various Opposition
Parties, announces the communist intention to everywhere support every revolutionary
movement against the existing social and political order of things (120). The communist
contribution to this ongoing revolutionary discourse will be the raising of the property
question, for any revolutionary movement that does not address this question cannot
successfully rescue people from oppression. As Marx thunders in conclusion, Let the
ruling classes tremble at a Communistic revolution. The proletarians have nothing to lose
but their chains. They have a world to win. WORKING MEN OF ALL COUNTRIES, UNITE! (121).